Sunday, July 29, 2018

Biafra – A Place in Time

On January 15, 1966, we woke up to martial music having left school the previous day hoping to enjoy the weekend. This was based on the fact that the then Race Course (now Tafawa Balewa Square) was down the road where we usually hang out along with Campus Square on the other side of the street (Igbosere area). We lived on Prison Street (now Hospital Road) after moving there from Oshodi Street.

My family gathered around the radio to listen to the military music and coup d’état broadcasts throughout the day. A couple of days later the whole country found out the names of the new Head of State (Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi), his governors (Lt.-Col Hassan Katsina – North; Lt.-Col Adekunle Fajuyi – West; Lt.-Col Odumegwu Ojukwu – East; Lt.-Col. David Ejoor – Midwest), and the coup plotters (the five majors and the collaborators). We were to learn of the deaths of the Prime Minister (Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa), Premiere of the Western Region (Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola), and some senior military officers (most of whom were from the Northern and Western Regions) days later.

The coup d’état left a bad taste in the mouths of some sections of the country due to the lopsidedness of the ethnicities of the dead. You could sense trouble brewing and lots of military movement at night. Our school was right in the center of the island so we got front row seats to the unfolding events.

Just as we were trying to figure out the new government, and its’ style of doing things, here comes another coup d’etat on July 29, 1966. This was seen as a revenge coup and for some days the country was without anybody in charge and no one knew what was happening. Eventually we found out the new regime members. Only the Head of State (Lt.-Col Yakubu Gowon) and the Governor of the Western Region (Col Adeyinka Adebayo) and the Chief of Army Staff (Lt.-Col Joseph Akahan) were new. The rest of the governors and military brass retained their positions.

Days later rumours started to fly about the killing of people from the Eastern Region in some parts of the country, especially in the North. The rumours proved to be true, with a few killings in Lagos as well. This prompted the exodus of the Eastern Region people (majority who are Igbo) from different parts of the country back to the East. Even though the government of the day tried to assure us of our safety, it was not believable with more killings happening. It was as if the coup d’état extended from the military barracks to the civilian population. The lives of the citizens of Nigeria from the Eastern Region seemed to be of no value to the rest of the country.

Some members of my family (I was amongst them) left in the last week of October 1966 while the second batch left in November 1966. The last group (my father and my two older sisters who were students at Queen’s College, Yaba) left Lagos in 1967 for the East. They were amongst the last batch to cross the River Niger before the bridge was closed for passage between Asaba and Onitsha.

While watching events, listening to the news, and trying to figure out how to survive in this new permanent abode that I only used to visit, we heard of the conferences to bring peace to the country. None of them worked and the country kept moving towards war with each passing day even though young ones like me were hoping to go back to Lagos soon. That dream was dashed when it came through the newswire that Nigeria had rejected the Aburi Accord (signed in Ghana) that guaranteed true federalism. To add insult to the injury, on May 27, 1967, the Military Government of Nigeria decided to divide the country into twelve (12) states with the Eastern Region split into three states – East Central, Rivers, and South-Eastern.

On May 30, 2017, the then Eastern Region of Nigeria declared itself the Republic of Biafra with its former Military Governor, Lt.-Col Odumegwu Ojukwu as its Head of State. For the next thirty (30) months the two nations went to war, which caused the death of an estimated two (2) million lives on both sides, the vast majority of them though, on the Biafran side.

I do remember practically every day of my life during the Nigerian-Biafran War sometimes called The Nigerian Civil War. We, in Biafra, did all we could to survive including seeking international recognition, food, shelter, guns, ammunition, clothing, medicine, etc. I often tell my wife that if I was to tell her all that I ate (except for human being) in order to survive she would never kiss me again.

Today, fifty (50) years later we are still suffering the effects of war one way or the other. There are those of us who went through it trying to figure out our place in the society, remembering what happened during and after the war, and how to assimilate back into Nigeria. There are those who fought on the Nigerian side who now resent participating after seeing how they have been short-changed. There are those who feel that the survivors of Biafra should be grateful while some want to continue “punishing” them for the war. There are those who were either born at the end of the war or after who want to romanticize. They call  for the re-birth of Biafra without realizing why it should be. There are those who feel that it was a stupid war and should never have happened. There are those who feel that the Easterners, especially the Igbo, should know their place and stop complaining about marginalization and the like. There are those who want to re-write history based on stories that they have heard or read – true or false. Finally, there are those who truly would like to know what led to the war and how we can prevent it from happening again.

All in all, it is good to celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the formation of the Republic of Biafra. Not because we want to call for its resurrection but to honour the memories of those that we lost, those who are still lost, those geniuses who were innovative and creative in advancing African technology that we hope to see the like someday down the road, and also as a reminder that we need to talk to each other and not at each other and listen more rather than arguing unnecessarily. We should stop denying or subverting the truth – face it, acknowledge it, and embrace it, and learn from it. 

You cannot deny that There Was A Country called BIAFRA. It is a fact

The question now is: Where do we go from here?

For Nigeria to move forward everyone has to take the blame for the past.

First, the Igbo (who made up the majority of the Biafran population) need to understand the frustrations and anger that the rest of the country have after witnessing the killing of their civilian and military leaders during the first coup d’etat. They felt betrayed and saw the Igbo as trying to take over the country for themselves. That feeling was exploited by the Northern military officers of the day and is still being used till today by their civilian leaders.

Second, the rest of Nigeria has to understand the frustrations and anger that the Igbo have considering the butchering of their people in the North through no fault of theirs – they did not participate in the military coup d’etat. We had to go to the railway stations at Enugu and Port Harcourt to pick up the bodies of our relatives – parents, spouses, children, etc. – thrown into the trains bound for the East. Moreover, the no victor no vanquished was never realized with the Igbo relegated to second class citizens – forget about a few crumbs made ministers.

Lastly, our military deserve the biggest blame for their incursion into our polity and destruction of esprit de corps in the military. Their actions, or lack thereof, pushed the country back decades. Had they left the civilian government alone, the country would have muddled through and found itself just as India has done. The first two coups left the country in a bad state that it has yet to recover. Never again should our military take over the governance of our country.

I believe that when we sit down and talk about our differences, our similarities, and reasons why we went to war, we will come to the realization that we actually want the same things but have been victims of our so called leaders using our differences to divide us. Personally I believe that everyone lost and no one gained because we are stuck at the same place with no one ethnic group ahead of the other in terms of development. All we do us bicker like little kids at a playground. Every participant should accept their role in the war and the events that led to it – the genocide, the pogrom, the trumped up charges that led to the execution of some Biafran officers, the blockade, the after the war effects such as the Indigenization Decree, the twenty (20) pounds policy, re-absorption of the Easterners and their military officers (even though most of them lost their ranks), abandoned property (how someone’s property can be considered abandoned in his own country beats me), etc. I do believe that we will get there but it will take some work.

As per my personal day-to-day experiences in Biafra…….TO BE CONTINUED

HAPPY BIRTHDAY THE PEOPPLE’S REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA!

© Uzo Onyemaechi, May 30, 2017

Sunday, September 11, 2016

IGBO POLITICAL SYSTEMS

Title Men Obi/Eze Functions

The political arrangements for the purpose of administration varied. Obi is the name of the head of the family in the Igbo areas. In old Owerri and Umuahia provinces, the word chief or Eze is commonly used, representing the majority of the state. The members of the eze's cabinet are called the Nze. They are the Chiefs' or Eze's councilors. Among Onitsha Igbos, the majesty's councilors are called Ndichie, meaning chiefs. There are three grades: (1) Ndichie Ume (2) Ndichie Okwa and (3) Ndichie Okwaraeze. The principal functions of both Nze's and Ndichies are to assist the Obi/Eze in keeping law and order in the communities.

The functions of Ndichie in the community generally, irrespective of grade, are: first, to act as the Obi's representatives and play the role of public relations officers in the interest of the rulingObi; second, to maintain law and order; third, to uphold the property of religious and customary practices; fourth, to dispense justice according to equity and the law of the land; fifth, to promote social welfare; and, lastly, to defend the land against aggression. All these councilors are supposed to play a vital role as peacemakers in their localities and owe allegiance to Obi/Eze the ruler.

Female administrative titles have not been popular among the Igbo since the late 19th century when the European colonialists entered into the heart of Igbo land not merely to trade but as cultural modifiers. The colonial powers have been described as "bringing with them the Pax Britannica at the tip of the sword and the nozzle of the gun well into the first quarter of the 20th century."

Among the Owerri Igbos, the wife of Nze, the councilor, automatically becomes the Lollo, an honorary title of a councilor. But the Onitsha Igbos once had a woman chieftain appointed by theObi to care for the women's affairs; namely the maintenance of women's dignity, customary laws and their behavior. This is called Omu, the Queen Mother.

In the kingdom of Obi there was a place for the female-counterpart ruler, the Omu. The ruler Obi is a hereditary successor to his clan's throne. Both the Obi and the Omu worked together for the betterment of their subjects. The position of Omu was dropped from the throne by the colonial government. The Onitsha Igbos have not yet restored this great women's institution in Igbo land. The last Omu (Queen Mother) of Onitsha that ruled was her Highness, Chief Nwagboka Egwuatu of Ogbeotu Village. She died in 1890. However, women in Igbo land at present are confirmed with the title of chieftaincy, not for administrative purposes but for the roles they play in the community and in the market.



An Egalitarian Society

The Igbo society is patterned on that of egalitarian society in which almost everyone is equal. The structure of the system looks thus, but in practice does not conform. There are established ranks and positions of honor. There are marked differences in political organization. The Igbos have kings, chiefsEze and other titles of honor. Movement to the top is open and free for any individual.

An egalitarian society is characterized by the adjustment of the number of valued statuses to the number of persons, or fixing or limiting of persons capable of exerting power. As many persons as can wield power, whether through personal strength, influence or authority, can do so.
The Igbo social structure is defined by the blood line. This is traced by patrilineal linkage. The family is the center or the nucleus into which the he child compound is formed. From here it extends to village level, clans, and town. The blood relations create associations between man and his neighbor. The social organization develops in the form of an extended family to a kind of village government. There is a strong tie in religious observations, trade and marriages. In each community there are associations of age groups; men with titles, poor and rich citizens interact with one another in war or in peace. All participate in community affairs, in decision-making and all development efforts.

As far as history supports, most of all Igbo traditional states governed themselves without giving power to any sort of king. They organized themselves into many independent village governments -with these village councils and assemblies meeting periodically, and could also be summoned as the need arose to discuss and take decisions on both internal and external affairs of the village. The councils might have been limited to certain age grades but the assemblies were for all and sundry, thus, the “oha na eze” aka the People’s Assembly. So, the Igbo traditional system of government was purely republican in its structure and function. There was no sort of centralized political authority or kingdom. It is within this context that the popular adage, "Igbo Enwe Eze" was developed. The adage “Igbo Enwe Eze” means “Igbo had no King” and this is true since there was (and still there is) no central Igbo King as you have in Edoland (Bini), Yorubaland, Kanuriland, and Hausaland.

The main credo of Igbo culture is the emphasis placed on individual achievement and initiatives, prestige and egalitarian leadership.

Some western and African historians/anthropologists found no credibility in a society without kings. Most of the Europeans who visited Igbo areas could not understand Igbo social organization because of the lack of a monarchy. The representative organization, especially in Igbo culture, was not monarchical but republican. "The Igbo," writes Phoebe Ottenber "have a non-hierarchical type of political organization and have been referred to as 'ultra democratic' in their values." Even Margery Perham (1957), for all her attachment to Lugard's northern Nigeria, was obliged to refer to the Igbo as "sturdily democratic."

Individuals remain loyal to the headman, who acts as the head of the community. The feudal system that is present in northern Nigeria and Yoruba State could not exist in Igbo land because of the level of the Igbo society, and also the separation of tribal religion from the titular headship within the clan.


Recognition of Old Age

The Igbo village is made up of two or more compounds. Each compound is based on patrilineal relationships. Status is accorded to the male by seniority, irrespective of polygamous family and agnatic emphasis. In the family, the first son is the head of the family and holds the family heirlooms like OfoChi, and Obi. The first son (Opara) holds the symbol of the family authority. There are two Igbo positions of esteem that are formally institutionalized (1) Opara (first son) and (2) Ada (first daughter). The first two children, namely Opara and Ada, have higher status in an Igbo family. In a monogamous family, the birth order follows. The younger always gives respect to the older brother or sister. Before the younger ones address the older child, whether within the family or outside the family, the younger one adds the word of respect--Ndaa or Dede. The leadership of authority rest with the elders of the land.

Seniority accorded to old age is one of the primary beliefs among the Igbos. Besides the age status, the greatest honor is given to one in his mother's lineage or Umunne. When one visits his or her mother's home (mother's lineage), that person is given the highest honor and respect. Whenever one has any serious troubles with a father's lineage (Umunna), they appeal to one's Umunne(mother's lineage) for assistance. As a custom in Igbo land, the Umunne will surely come to one's aid.

The following example is culled from Chinua Achebe's book, "Things Fall Apart," depicting the important role of maternal section of an Igbo person's life:

“…Okonkwo's gun had exploded and a piece of iron had pierced the boy's heart. The confusion that followed was without parallel in the tradition of Umuofia. Violent deaths were frequent but nothing like this had ever happened. The only course to Okonkwo was to flee from the clan. It was a crime against the earth goddess to kill a clansman; a man who committed it must flee from the land -- and before the cock crowed Okonkwo and his family were fleeing to his motherland…”

In Igbo society, the Umunne supports one against Umunna (patrilineage) even when one is affected by the spirit of the ancestors.



Position of Elders

In an Igbo community, elders are respected and honored. All leaders act as a village head and are often approached in both good and bad times. A leader is always expected to speak the truth and is often required to vindicate his innocence regularly at the rite of Itu-Ogu (making a wish). This is a sign of affirmation of innocence. The village head oftentimes is the village priest. He maintains his prescribed status as a necessary condition for the maintenance of his high office. Sometimes an elder is a titled person, who chairs traditional functions in the family compound and in the village.


Bibliography

Achebe, Chinua. "Things Fall Apart," London, ENGLAND: Heinemann, 1958.

Afigbo, Adiele E. "Prolegomena to the Study of the Culture History of the Igbo-speaking Peoples of Nigeria", in "West African Culture Dynamics: Archaeological and Historical perspectives."edited by Swartz, Jr., B. K. and Dumet, Raymond E., New York, N.Y.: Mouton Publishers, 1980.

Dike, Kenneth Onwuka. "Trade and politics in the Niger Delta," Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956.

Forde, Daryll and Jones, G. I. "The Ibo and Ibibio-Speaking Peoples of South-Eastern Nigeria," London, ENGLAND: Oxford University Press, 1955.

Isichei, Elizabeth. ""A History of the Igbo People, London, ENGLAND: MacMillan, 1976.

Isichei, Elizabeth. "Igbo Worlds: An Anthology of Oral Histories and Historical Descriptions," London, ENGLAND: MacMillan, 1977.

M. le comte C. N. de Cardi. "A short description of the natives of the Niger Coast protectorate," in West African studies edited by Kingsley, Mary Henrietta, London : Macmillan, 1899.

Njoku, John E. Eberegbulam. "The Igbos of Nigeria: Ancient Rites, Changes and Survival," (African Studies Volume 14), New York, N.Y.: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1990.

Okigbo, Pius. "Towards a Reconstruction of the Political Economy of Igbo Civilization," Ahiajoku lectures, Owerri, Nigeria: Ministry of Information, 1986.

Ojukwu, Chukemeka Odumegwu. "Because I am involved," Ibadan : Spectrum Books Ltd., 1989.

Ottenberg, Simon. ed. "Cultures and societies of Africa.," New York : Random House, 1960.

Perham, Margery Freda, ed. "African discovery, an anthology of exploration," London, Faber and Faber, 1957.


Tuesday, December 1, 2015

Misplacement of Priorities

I will appreciate and support a peaceful demonstration that calls for good governance from all Governors of the former Eastern Region that made up the defunct Republic of Biafra.

I will appreciate and support a peaceful demonstration that calls for responsibility and accountability on the part of all government officials in the former Eastern Region of Nigeria.

I will appreciate and support peaceful demonstration against the Local Government Areas (LGAs) leaders who have stunted grass-roots growth with kleptomania, corruption, bribery, and the like.

I  DON'T appreciate and will NOT support any demonstration calling for re-establishment of the Republic of Biafra when evidence on ground shows that the lack of development has very little to do with the Nigerian leadership.

The lack of development in the former Eastern Nigeria, especially in Igboland, is due to bad governance, lack of accountability on the part of the governors and other government officials.

Even if the Republic of Biafra is re-established today we will still have the same charlatans and kleptomaniacs in charge.

Until we learn to DEMAND good governance from our so called leaders, especially at the local levels, we will continue to have issues with progress and development in all facets of our lives.

Until we stop "electing" and supporting criminals (419 and the like) as governors and local government chairpersons, we will continue to be stagnant in terms of progress and development.

The only way forward is not by calling for Biafra and demonstrations in other parts of the country,thereby instigating other Nigerians against you and your cause, but to demonstrate on the streets of Umuahia, Owerri, Awka, Abakaliki, and Enugu asking for good governance. Once you start there, the Governors of those states (Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo) will sit up. As of now, they are happy to see your "distraction" so they can continue stealing the treasury blind while you go about calling for Biafra instead of calling for them to act right.

I guarantee you that once other Nigerians see the results of your demands, they too will join you in asking for good governance from their own Governors and other political leaders.

Let us stop misplacing our priorities by asking for Biafra all over the country and start focusing on Igboland and demanding good education, social amenities, adequate healthcare, good roads, conducive environment for businesses to grow and create jobs, an environment that enables creativity and innovation such as Radio Mbaise, Ogbunigwe, Shore Battery, PRODA, etc.

Aluta continua!

Sunday, October 12, 2014

What about China in Africa?


Chinese leadership has shifted, and is still shifting, to the younger generation --- the young shall grow [Power Mike's Transport Company name of yore]
 
They are long-term planners and wait -- like a vulture waits for its prey to die -- patiently. They assimilate themselves to people, learn your trade, and become your partner, your boss or your competitor.

The Chinese leadership under Deng Xiaoping looked at the Western economics and decided to send their young ones abroad -- massively -- to go and understudy it and come back to implement some of it. In the meantime, they embarked upon using their traditional ways of savings and investments to raise capital and purchase some businesses in Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and Japan. They have now used those purchases as avenues to educate themselves on how to utilize Capitalism without giving up their Totalitarian System.

BTW, I hate it when people, especially Americans, call Chinese Communists for no country in this whole world is Communist. Communism is the perfection of socialism and no country has achieved that. Socialism is the means and Communism is the goal. What we have are socialist countries like Sweden, Portugal, Tanzania, and Angola [at some point] and totalitarian countries like China, North Korea, Cuba, Iran, Libya, etc.

Moving on...

Those young Chinese men and women came back and started to practice their new found crafts and skills trade with ready-made companies. Also, the Chinese studied the successes and failures of European colonization of Africa and decided to do it in a different way. They come in with trade promises that ensures them TOTAL CONTROL -- funds, labor [shipping Chinese labor abroad], technology [never shares it], management [always a Chinese in charge], transportation [own the ships, planes, etc.], and marketing. They don't have to take the raw materials away like the Europeans did [except for oil & gas] but refine it there and sell it with its low quality coupled with pollution of the highest order...go figure!

They are the banks to the West because of the old Chinese culture of thriftiness -- please go back and read their literature -- Art of War, Confucius, Taoism, etc.

What I admire most about the Chinese rise in world economy -- they have always had the power -- is the marriage of their cultures with Western economics to enhance their productivity and expansion.

As per African you will think that since Africans started going abroad at least en-masse for 3 generations, that we will try to find some collaborations between us -- teamed up, cooperate, and strategize for the long-term in order to make a difference in our lives in the Diaspora or at home. But the answer is NO for we are always trying to one-up each other and blame everyone else – African Leaders and the West – for our own myopic and selfishness.

All in all I believe that we cannot always change others, but we can do things differently by ourselves that would affect our lives. Collective success seems alien to us, Africans, except at family or ethnic levels. Even that is becoming obsolete with the current mantra of me, myself, and I….go figure!

I weep for Africa and Africans!

© uzoma onyemaechi 2011

Monday, December 9, 2013

A Tribute to Madiba Nelson Mandela 

Once in a lifetime there comes a person who transcends all facets of life. He appears larger than life and makes life look simple and easy. He makes us feel good, loved, strong, articulate, proud, honest, and forthright. We always wish that such a person could be a member of our family, one of us, and live forever. Unfortunately, no one person can be everything to all the people. Furthermore, no one can live forever. 

NELSON MANDELA WAS SUCH A PERSON! 

We are witnesses to what a great man that he was.
He was the big Iroko tree in the forest!
He was our African Champion!
He was our Father --A Man of Integrity! 
He was our Hero -- fought for Equality for all humans! 
He was a Man of Substance! 

I will tell my grandchildren that I saw you in Detroit.
I will tell them that I heard you speak.
I will tell them that you gave us hope that human beings can be Christ-like – forgiving & of good conscience.
I will tell them of your immense heart...a Great Man.

Thank you for all you did for South Africans.
Thank you for all you did for Africa.
Thank you for all you did for the World.
Thank you for all the memories.
You will surely be missed.

Nelson Rolihlahla nwa Mandela, na gbo!

© Uzoma Onyemaechi, December 5, 2013
A Man of The People

When I first heard the news of the passing of Professor Chinua Achebe, I thought it was a joke
The Eagle on The Iroko has flown?
The man whose masterpiece, Things Fall Apart, introduced the whole world to African Literature hitherto ignored by all this while was gone?
How are the mighty falling!

I only met him once at the local wing of the Murtal Muhammed Airport in 1983
I walked up to him and introduced myself and thank him to his impact on my literary life
He smiled and wished me well

Professor Chinua Achebe was a man of many parts: -
He was a detribalized man without borders. He was a husband, father, son, brother, in-law and a friend. Also, he was a Patriot, Scholar, Historian, Hero and a Rebel. He was an institution!

He was A Man of The People!

Here was a man who gave the world an insight into African culture.
Here was a man who loved his people, Ndi-Igbo, greatly
Here was a man who had it all but decided to live a normal life
Here was a man who had principles and lived it
Here was a man who was disappointed in the Nigerian polity and lack of leadership
Here was a man who believed in the greater good of mankind as is evident in his books

He was A Man of The People!

We should not fail to acknowledge the great sacrifice, contribution and wisdom of Nnanyi-uku, Achebe, to the growth and development of Nigeria.
We should not fail to acknowledge his contribution to the global literary platform.
We should not fail to acknowledge missing his needed advice and guidance at a time when our nation is under-going immense challenges and restructuring.

He was A Man of The People!

The Eagle on The Iroko, we will miss you, your brutal honesty, and your treasured words of wisdom and literary lessons. Thanks for the memories.

Chinualumogu Albert nwa Achebe, Oke osisi nona ohia, na gbo!

© Uzoma Onyemaechi, March 2013

Thursday, June 23, 2011

The Intricacies of Power

Definitions

Intricate – According to Merriam-Webster Dictionary: Having many complexly interrelating parts or elements that are difficult to analyze, understand, or explain.

Power – political scientists frequently defined power as “the ability to influence the behavior of others" with or without resistance. It has also been defined as a measure of an entity's ability to control their environment, including the behavior of other entities. The term authority is often used for power, perceived as legitimate by the social structure. When a company exerts upward power, it is the subordinates who influence the decisions of the leader (Greiner & Schein, 1988). Often, the study of power in a society is referred to as politics.

Intricacies of Power – it is the complexities and difficulties that are encountered in trying to analyze, understand or explain power. This is more so with the dispensation of power - understand of the limitations of power and use of power.

Thomas Hobbes defined power as a man's "present means, to obtain some future apparent good" while Nietzsche disseminated ideas on the "will to power", which he saw as the domination of other human as much as the exercise of control over one's environment.

There are different types of power – political, economic, social, and religious, etc. Also, there are five bases of power –positional, referent, expert, reward, and coercive.

The argument here will be limited to political power. Political power (imperium in Latin) is a type of power held by a group in a society that controls and administers some or all of public resources, including labor and wealth. There are many ways to obtain possession of such power. At the nation-state level political legitimacy for political power is held by the representatives of national sovereignty. Political powers are not limited to heads of states, however, the extent to which a person or group such as an insurgency, terrorist group, or multinational corporation possesses such power is related to the amount of social influence they can wield, formally or informally. In many cases this influence is not contained within a single state and it refers to international power.

Seeking power

One has to know why you want to seek power and what you plan to do the power once you acquire it. What is your platform from which you will seek and use power? To seek power you have to think about the reason(s) why you want power – is it political, economic, ideological, religious, social, or otherwise. Also, you want to determine if it is feasible and how to go about acquiring it. You have to look at the factors that will determine your success – obstacles, opponents, supporters, logistics, etc. Who controls the power – the proletariats, the rich, the oligarchy, employers of labor, the labor leaders, electorate, politicians, etc.? When you seek power you need to have a strategic plan in place or business plan that details what you want to do, how you want to do it, what you hope to achieve, how you plan to pay for it, implementation, and evaluation. The understanding of these will help with the use of power when it is acquired. One seeks power via a myriad of ways – elections, coup d’état, promotions, inheritance, war, mergers & acquisitions, etc. You have to know who the stakeholders are and those that control power. Build relationship with them and build bridges across cultures, ideologies, sentiments and the like. You cannot please everyone but you can impact everyone one way or the other. Build political capital, communicate effectively, and build alliances.

Use of power

One has to understand the level of authority that power grants you and the limits of the power. Who controls the power determines the level of authority and the limitations of the power. Once you know that then you the power seeker will then determine how you plan to use it – judiciously, bastardly, dastardly, amicably, sharing, dictatorship, or otherwise. When you do not understand the enumerated ways to use power then one is apt to abuse power. When power is entrusted on someone who does not understand it that person tends to abuse it instead of using it for the greater good. You use power to alleviate poverty and/or improve society, increase sales, increase production, and improve quality of a product or life. Devolution of power and/or decentralization of power in most instances help to empower the rest of the community, society, business, or polity. When that is done the power comes back to you most of the time because the people involved continue to seek your approval or authorization. You have to learn to navigate through some difficult terrain using the favors built over time. Be ready to compromise but do not surrender your principles. Keep your opponent guessing and don’t show your hand all the time. Be transparent and an active listener to all people regardless of whether you agree or disagree with them. Be ready to cut your losses and move on for tomorrow is another day. You don’t have to win all the time for sometimes you have to lose in order to win. Always think of the impact of your action or lack thereof when you decide to use power – is it fair, will it benefit all, can we stop it, etc.

Abuse of power

It is the act of using one’s position of power in an abusive way. It is also seen as the illegitimate use of power. This can take many forms, such as taking advantage of someone, gaining access to information that shouldn’t be accessible to the public, or just manipulating someone with the ability to punish them if they don’t comply.

Abuse of power is defined to exist whenever someone who has power over others (the capacity to impose his or her will on others) by virtue of his or her superior mental dexterity, social position, physical strength, knowledge, technology, weapons, wealth, or the trust that others have in him or her, unjustifiably uses that power to exploit or harm those others, or through lack of action, allows exploitation or harm to occur to them.

Abuse of power can lead to moral evil with bastardization of ethics of the society. A very good example is Nigeria where subsequent military leaders have bastardized the society, embezzled funds, killed opponents, and practically ruined the county. The same things have happened in most developing countries, especially African countries where dictators – military or civilian – have subjugated the laws and deprived the people their rights.

Retention of power

When one understands the reason(s) why they seek power and couple it with how to use power, then it is easy to retain power. But when you do not have a game plan before you seek power and you do not understand how to use power without abusing, then it is very difficult, if not impossible, to retain power. This sometimes leads to seeing power as absolute and absolute power corrupts absolutely. You need to ask yourself if you do need to retain power and why. Is it for your ego and have you lost your objective. Retention of power means grooming of the next generation of leaders – mentorship. Transfer of power is another way of retaining – to a fellow believer and/or party affiliate. This is also part of grooming of leadership for the future.

Conclusion

The intricacies of power consist of knowing what is power, why you need power, what you plan to do with it, a well-crafted plan, and executing the plan for the greater good. Those are insurances to retaining power for a long term. The lack of understanding of power can lead to retention of power by any means necessary. This often leads to dictatorship and totalitarianism.

© uzoma onyemaechi, June 2011

References

George, Bill and McLean, Andrew. (2007) "Why leaders lose their way",Strategy & Leadership, Vol. 35 Issue: 3, pp.4 – 11

Greiner, Larry E. and Schein, Virginia E. Power and organization development: Mobilizing power to implement change. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1988

Hobbs, Thomas. The Leviathan, Mineola, NY: DoverPublications, 2006

Nietzsche, Friedrich Wilhelm. The Will to Power, London, England, UK: Vintage [Random House Group], 1968